Associate Professor of History and Cultural
Anthropology in the Department of History and Cultural Studies at Kramatorsk
Institute of Economics and Humanities, Ukraine.
He
studies discourses and practices of a usable past construction – history
writing, public perceptions of the past, historical imagination, cultural
memory – in Eastern Europe from the sixteenth century to the present. He
has conducted research at the Central
European University (Hungary), European
University Institute (Italy), Warsaw University, Jagiellonian University, Deutsches Historisches Institut Warschau (Poland), and University of Leipzig (Germany).
Together with his colleagues from Belarus and Moldova, he conducts comparative
research on the politics
of memory and national identity construction in Ukraine, Belarus, and Moldova
since 1991. His articles have
appeared in Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, Russian History, Ab Imperio: Studies of New Imperial
History and Nationalism in the Post-Soviet Space, Perekrestki/Crossroads.
“Ukrainian Piedmont” vs. “Industrial Heart of Russia”: Regional Exceptionalism as a Resource of Political Mobilization and Electoral
Manipulation in Ukraine, 2004–2012
This paper
addresses the following
questions: How is society manipulated
and divided by the politicians in Ukraine? Why do the maps of electoral
preferences reflect constant regional division in the 2004, 2006, 2007, and
2010 elections? Why are history and memory issues so important in political
debates and mass media in Ukraine? How are regional stereotypes of the perception
of “self” and “other” connected to the different imperial legacies? What
strategies will be used in the 2012 and 2015 election campaigns?
My hypothesis is that in post-Soviet countries “new
true history” or “recovered old true history” was used by new-old political
elites as a substitute for the lacking ideology. There, history became a quasi-ideology.
In Ukraine, after the evident decline of the Communist party in 1999 and 2002
elections and, in particular, in 2004–2010, history was used to divide society
and to manipulate its electoral preferences. Each of Ukraine’s three electoral
macro-regions – West, Center, and Southeast – was shaped by the different
historical experiences and myth-memories. According to Harvard professor
Timothy Colton (2010), “[Ukraine’s] political multi-culture at the national
level has rested on a foundation consisting to a considerable extent of
political monocultures at the sub-national level.”
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